Making sense of variable number agreement in Russian

In this paper, we focus on Russian quantified noun phrases that are known to be able to trigger plural verbal agreement or no agreement at all. Descriptively, we offer a novel generalization: when such phrases trigger plural verbal agreement, they cannot be interpreted in the immediate scope of negation. We show that this generalization falls out if these plural-agreeing phrases are treated in semantics as individual-denoting choice-functional indefinites and not as generalized quantifiers. Theoretically, we speculate that interpretable number features are in principle incompatible with generalized quantifier denotations.