Morphologically bound complementation in Abaza

The present paper deals with morphologically bound complementation, a type of constructions where a matrix predicate and the head of its sentential complement constitute a single verb morphologically but retain their syntactic and semantic independence. This type of polypredication is discussed on the material of Abaza (< Northwest Caucasian): I consider a construction with an element ʒəš’a ‘seem’, which demonstrates features of morphologically bound complementation, and continuative and inferential suffi xes showing similar properties. The description is formalized in terms of Lexical Functional Grammar, and, as a result, a formal model of morphologically bound complementation in Abaza is derived via restrictions on f- and c-structures.