Markers of “motion-cum-purpose” and event structure: -nda suffix in Nanai.

The paper deals with the verbal suffix -nda with the meaning of “motion-cum-purpose” (‘to go to do V’) in Nanai. The discussion of crosslinguistic relevance of the motion-cum-purpose category is focused on the data of Nanai, and particularly on the possibility of morphological expression of this meaning without combination with any spatial meaning (including deictic ones ‘here’ / ‘there’). The event structure of the verb marked by the affix of motion-cum-purpose is also discussed, especially its argument structure — the expression of both arguments of the initial verb and arguments of the motion verb. Different results are revealed for the finite use of the nda-verb and for the pleonastic construction “converb-nda + motion verb”. The first one behaves rather like expressing one single event of motion-cum-purpose, while the second one gives evidence for the bieventual interpretation and shows both features of bi- and monoclausality.